A referendum? No, this was a full-fledged revolt

Every consequential election produces opportunities and warnings for both parties. But this one belongs alongside the epochal wave elections of 1994 , 2006 and 2010 in its political impact and shock value.

First, Democrats may have found a way to pursue populism without the pitchfork. There’s historical irony here. In 2016 and 2024, Trump brilliantly tapped into Americans’ seething anger. Some of that anger dated to the 2008 economic financial crisis, which devastated American households and allowed the very people who ignited the crisis to profit from it. It triggered a resentment that still smolders, a sense that no one is listening and the system is rigged.

In 2016, voters wanted to send Washington a message in the form of a middle finger. Who better to deliver it than Donald Trump?

This week, Democrats ingeniously turned that anger against Trump. Listen to James Talarico in Texas, Abdul El -Sayed in Michigan, and Troy Jackson in Maine, and you heard variations on a theme: the corruption and greed of the powerful; the basic rights of ordinary Americans to see a doctor when they need one, live in safe communities and send their children to good schools.

Once again, voters sent a message to Washington, loud and clear. But Democrats found a way to deliver it without the rabid pitbull delivery of Trump. They turned their anger into aspiration without adopting his snarling rhetoric.

Second, Democrats exposed the false choice at the heart of an unnecessary feud between the left and the center. Winning doesn’t force a choice between turning out progressive voters and appealing to moderates voters. A talented candidate with a sophisticated campaign can draw both. You can thread a needle rather than poking voters in the eye.

Third, yes, even Trump can overreach. Republican gerrymandering in Florida and Texas fell short of their ambitions . In Florida, Republicans may have drawn bright red districts, but the ultimate result appeared headed toward a draw. They may retain every seat they held, but they failed to flip a single Democratic-held seat. The outcome demonstrated that a wave election can wash over gerrymandered lines.

Fourth, candidate quality matters. Trump’s ruthless abandonment of Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and his support for Sen. Darline Graham (R) in South Carolina continued a pattern of prioritizing loyalty over electability. Meanwhile, Democrats recruited candidates who reflected the priorities and sensibilities of their communities: healthcare professionals, educators, union leaders, teachers, pastors, combat veterans and even a Tejano music superstar . Voters had more to consider than a candidate’s relationship with the president.

Fifth — and I say this as both a Democrat and a Mets fan — behind every silver lining is a funereal crape. Yes, Democrats won in deep red territory, aided by anti-Trump anger, frustration over high prices and weak Republican candidates. But keeping those seats competitive in 2028 will require discipline and hard work. That means keeping new members focused on the nuts and bolts: strong constituent services, relentless visibility in their districts, and voting records that reflect the values of the people who elected them.

The good news for Democrats is that there is precedent even in this extraordinary cycle. In Trump’s first midterm, in 2018, Democrats flipped the U.S. House. Two years later, they won 13 fewer seats than they had in 2018, but they retained their majority and elected a Democratic president.

They need that same focus on winning again. Instead of debating internally and externally about a left or center agenda on Capitol Hill, they need to shift the debate to delivering back home. The candidates who won historic victories and ran competitive races in Texas, Michigan, Maine, Ohio, Mississippi, and other battlegrounds have something to teach the party. Democrats should listen.

Trump’s political success has long depended on keeping his base intensely engaged, often at the expense of appealing to voters beyond it. It is the classic case of the tail wagging the dog. This year, the dog bit back.

Steve Israel represented New York in the House of Representatives for eight terms and was chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee from 2011 to 2015.